ESAN RELIGIOUS ART

ANCESTRAL ALTARS

By Prof. Carol Ann Lorenz
Columbia University, New York City

Shrine Sculpture

Esan shrines are many and varied, but not all of them are ornamented with wood sculpture. The presence or absence of wood sculpture does not measure, however, the importance of the supernatural to which the shrine is dedicated. Idigun, for example, is the powerful Esan god of iron whose shrine might contain earthen figures, if any figures at all accompany the iron tools, weapons and scrap iron which are the essential contents. Similarly, Olokun, who controls the waters, is an important deity in whose shrine earthen sculptures sometimes join the required chalk, water pots, white cloth, and other pure and cooling substances. Ancestral shrines, on the other hand, are those which are most likely to include wooden sculptures.

Ancestral Altars

The worship of ancestors is a universal and central feature of traditional Esan religion. Everyone is obliged to worship his departed father through the senior son, who becomes the omijiogbe or head of the family, and is charged with the care of the ancestral altar (alu-elimhin or alu- edion) established in the inherited paternal home.

The contents of Esan ancestral altars (Figs. 148, 149) are similar in many ways to those of altars in Benin, Yorubaland, and other neighboring areas. Pieces of native chalk (ere) are common, as the whiteness of chalk best expresses the purity and beneficence of the ancestors. Cowrie shells (ighoesan or ikpigho), also white and symbolic of wealth and good fortune, are common in ancestral shrines. Strips of white cloth (ukpon-afua), formerly handwoven but nowadays cut from lengths of commercially woven cotton, may be hung at the back or front of the altar, or tied to any of the shrine furnishings. A variety of vessels – calabashes, carved wooden bowls, pottery, and glass bottles – contain the cooling water used to bless the family worshippers, or serve as evidence of past offerings and libations.

Similarly, the feathers, hides, skulls or bones, and blood of sacrificial animals, may remain in the shrine as testimony to the ancestor of the devotion of his descendants. The idea of sacrifice extends also to expensive modern objects such as imported ceramic figurines, china plates, and enamelware which are now common in the ancestral shrines of well-to-do Esans. Some shrines also contain new and brightly painted carvings of snakes, lions, tortoises and other animals, as well as human figures in European dress (Fig. 150), which are the commercial products of Esan, Benin, or other modern artists.

While many of the above objects might be found in any southern Nigerian ancestral shrine, other altar goods are uniquely Esan or belong to its Edo heritage. These include old handcrafts which are preserved as relics of the ancestors in whose time they were carved or acquired. Some are mementos of the deceased, including his musical instruments, weapons, tools, and pipes. Others, such as old wooden wash basins and serving trays, may have been replaced by more convenient vessels in the household, but are nevertheless emblematic of tradition and, therefore, appropriate for worshipping the ancestors or observing other religious ceremonies in the shrine. Moreover, as we have seen, a variety of objects which are precious but no longer functional may be incorporated into the shrine as signs of ancestral and familial greatness. These include disused house post figures and doors, damaged agbala stools, and other objects which were exclusive to Esan Enijie and chiefs. Other significant courtly objects which are still in use by the current titleholder, such as the coral regalia and state swords of his forefathers, as well as functional stools and other ornamental carvings, might also be stored in the ancestral shrine.

While heterogenous preserved relics and inherited properties are an important component of the individual Esan ancestral shrine, it contains other objects which are specifically designed for veneration of the ancestors. Primary among these are ukhure staffs and, in the case of Esan elites, memorial human, ram or antelope heads. Both the ancestral staffs and the memorial heads link Esan with religious and artistic traditions which are widespread in southern Nigeria.

The Ukhure Ancestral Staff

The ukhure or ancestral staff is the essential and most important feature of the Esan ancestral altar. In its simplest form, the ukhure is a peeled, straight, wooden rod about two to three feet in length, decorated with strings of cowrie shells wound around the middle or one end (Fig. 151). More commonly, however, the ukhure has a carved head (Fig 152) or figure at the top, and sometimes a second figure is carved below the first (Fig. 153).

Each Ukhure represents a single paternal ancestor, and it is usual for three such staffs, representing the previous three generations, to be kept in the ancestral shrine belonging to the family head or omijioqbe. Upon completing the burial ceremonies (itolimhin) for his deceased father, the senior son is obliged to carve or commission an ukhure to represent him. While doing so, he may destroy the eroded staff of a more distant ancestor and reuse the cowries which formerly adorned it (H.H. S.U. Enosegbe II, Onojie of Ewohimi, 14 August 1980; Hawkesworth 1932: 30).

The ukhure staff serves multiple functions within the family. It represents the paternal ancestor, and is the focus of prayers and sacrifices to him. Tapped on the ground to initiate and punctuate services, the ukhure calls the attention of the ancestor to his descendants' offerings and requests. l The ukhure also serves as a device for pulverizing white chalk to be mixed with water for annointing and blessing the participants during ancestral observations (Eikpaojie, Qkaokulo of Ugboha, 19 June 1980). It is used for swearing oaths which the ancestors witness (H.H. Akhadia Ogbeide, Onojie of Amahor, 18 November 1980), and it has the power to kill those who swear falsely (Oboite Omoifoh, Uromi, 12 August 1980). The ukhure is also used to witness the settlement of family disputes, and is the focus of propitiatory sacrifices in cases of family crimes such as incest or adultery (Hawkesworth 1932: 23-24). Finally, it is a mark of the status of the Omijiogbe or family head, the heir to his father's property and the rightful officiator at ancestral rituals.

The ukhure staff is a sign of status and official position, however, on other than the family level of Ishan society. For example, in some villages, the oldest man or 9di9nwele holds an ukhure; which represents his authority and has judicial significance for the entire community

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As a noisemaker to signal the ancestors, the ukhure substitutes for bells which are used widely in African shrines, but are rare in Ishan. Bells in Ishan are mostly small bronzes from Benin, valued as prestigious and historical objects.

(Osaigboro Elomosele, Ogwa, 3 October 1980). Similarly, the descendant of the deified founder of a quarter or village, holds an ukhure which identifies him as the "owner of the land" (isikuoto) and is the focus of veneration for all its inhabitants (Ebhoteme Aluobhio, Uzea, 5 September 1980; Onikolase Amiegbebholo, Osukhure of Ugboha, 19 June 1980). The ukhure is also an important symbol of the power of certain supernaturals (Fig. 154) and the status of their priests or priestesses (Irekpitan, Ojiade priestess, Uromi, 23 August 1980).

For a hereditary chief, the ukbure is an item of regalia which signifies that he is the legitimate heir to his father's title (e.g., Owobu Ikhine, Esogban of Ugboha, 12 June 1980). Royal ukhure may have chiefly caretakers with titles such as Qsukhure or Ojiukhure, who are also priests of the royal ancestors and court historians (Onikolase Amiegbebholo, Qsukhure of Ugboha, 19 June 1980). At the state level, the royal ukhure symbolizes the legitimate rulership of the Onojie. As we have seen, the ukhure is depicted in housepost figures and doors, where it alludes to the continuity of hereditary leadership and the protective power of the royal dead.

Ukhure Form and Imagery

In the form and imagery of Ukhure staffs, there is, once again, a striking difference between northern and southern Esan. In the plateau kingdoms of the north, all of the observed ukhure staffs are either plain, or have knobs or simple heads at the top (Fig. 152). The faces often have so little definition that it is not possible to speak of style, but even the more detailed examples are heterogenous and none belong to the distinctive sculptural traditions of the northern carving centers. It seems that most northern staffs were carved by the owners or their forebears rather than by experienced sculptors.

In the south, while mostly plain staffs or examples with simple heads may be found in the villages, fine figural ukhure are the norm in the palace shrines.2 As in large-scale figural sculpture from southern Esan, many of the ukhure figures carry no emblems of identity; rather, they stand with empty hands at their sides or touching their stomachs. Nevertheless, they probably represent the Onojie, like the few figures which have clues to their identity. At least two of the topmost figures, for example, carry ukhure in their own right hands (Fig. 155), which amplifies the theme of continuity of leadership within the royal lineage. Another figure carries nothing in his hands, but has and Ada swords of office in relief on his back (Fig. 156) and a disembodied head upside down below his feet, references to the power of the Onojie to execute or sacrifice human beings.
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The distinction between large and elaborate royal Ukhure and small and simple commoner staffs may soon be lost, however, because carvers today do not have the skill to reproduce the figurative images of old. Today, even in the palaces, new ukhure may be plain sticks. The homogenization of royal and commoner staffs might be even quicker except that instead of destroying older decorative.

Although the figures are mostly unclothed or display their genitals below short wrappers, most of them wear a substantial ornament around their necks, and some wear armlets as well. These ornaments, as well as distinguished hairdos and headgear suggest status and rank. The hair of three figures, from Ogwa and Ewatto, is arranged in the lateral akpata or uguakpata crest that sweeps up from the forehead (Fig. 157) in a style worn by certain Esan Enijie and chiefs (Fig. 3). Unusual topknots are worn by two figures at Ewossa (Fig. 155), while the hair of a third figure projects upward like four horns (Fig. 153), and a figure from Ebelle wears a sagittal crest. Other figures wear bell-shaped hats or a headdress shaped like an inverted cone.

A number of southern Esan ukhure features have referents in Benin art. The crested hairdo is also worn by certain Benin chiefs (Ezra 1992: Figs. 14, far left, and 47, left), for example, and is depicted in a staff at Ogwa which was carved in Benin (Fig. 158). A staff figure from Ewossa (Fig. 155) which holds an Ukbure in one hand, also carries a stone celt in the other hand; this combination is common in Benin art, but is otherwise unknown in Esan. In addition, a figure from Ogwa (Fig. 157) carries an unidentified oval object which has no parallel in other Ishan art, but is depicted in a Benin ukhure staff (Ezra 1992: Pl. 26). This Ogwa staff, moreover, is carved to represent segmented wood and has a hollow rattle chamber near the top, in the manner of Benin ancestral staffs. Indeed, a pair of segmented ukhure rattle staffs at Amahor (Fig. 159) are probably of Benin manufacture as the heads at the top are clearly in Benin court style (cf. Ben-Amos 1980: Fig.58).

The Amahor and Ogwa staffs are exceptional, however, in displaying alien features. Although the southern staffs with simple heads (Fig. 160) are as nondescript and lacking in style determinants as those of the north, the figural staffs have features which are found elsewhere in Esan art. Several have the cross-hatched geometric shapes (Fig. 157) which are typical of Esan surface decoration, for example, and some bear rectangular Esan tattoo marks outside each eye (Fig. 157). Even the figure holding the cult has Esan, rather than Benin, facial features, including a horizontal brow line and cowrie-shaped eyes. The heart-shaped faces and concave eye areas of other ukhure figures can also be found elsewhere in Esan sculpture.

On the other hand, the Ukhure figures appear to have developed in an atmosphere of cultural interchange, not only with Benin but with the neighboring Ika Igbo people. As we have seen, for example, the bell-shaped and semi-conical headdresses found in some southern staff figures have parallels not only with large-scale southern Ishan figural sculpture (Figs. 99, 101) but also with Ika figures at Agbor (Fig. 107). The grooved surfaces found in several southern staff figures (Fig. 161), moreover, also appear in Agbor sculpture (Figs. 106, 107). The crested hairdo is also depicted in conjunction with the Ada and at Agbor (Fig. . . 162), where it is probably the result of contact with Benin.

The orientation towards Benin and towards the Ika Igbo kingdoms to the south is typical of southern Esan arts and culture. The southern Esan kingdoms are younger than those of the plateau,3 and their relationship with Benin has been closer than among the northern kingdoms. This is particularly true since the early nineteenth century reign of Osemwede, who had taken refuge in Ewohimi during a succession dispute with his brother before coming to the throne (Okojie [1960]: 22, 286; Egharevba 1968: 43). Ewohimi was also the center through which southern Esan kingdoms paid tribute to Benin, their route of payment being through Agbor (Okojie [1960]: 22). Other associations between Agbor and southern Esan – including migrations, military assistance, and bilingualism – have already been discussed.
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As we have seen, there is a conspicuous absence of iyala earthworks in southern Ishan (Darling 1984: 13), suggesting that they were settled after the early Edo/Esans had ceased to build them.

(Osaigboro Elomosele, Ogwa, 3 October 1980). Similarly, the descendant of the deified founder of a quarter or village, holds an ukhure which identifies him as the "owner of the land" (isikuoto) and is the focus of veneration for all its inhabitants (Ebhoteme Aluobhio, Uzea, 5 September 1980; Onikolase Amiegbebholo, Qsukhur~ of Ugboha, 19 June 1980). The ukhure is also an important symbol of the power of certain supernaturals (Fig. 154) and the status of their priests or priestesses (Irekpitan, Ojiade priestess, Uromi, 23 August 1980).

For a hereditary chief, the ukbure is an item of regalia which signifies that he is the legitimate heir to his father's title (e.g., Owobu Ikhine, Esogban of Ugboha, 12 June 1980). Royal ukhure may have chiefly caretakers with titles such as Osukhure or Ojiukhure, who are also priests of the royal ancestors and court historians (Onikolase Amiegbebholo, Qsukhure of Ugboha, 19 June 1980). At the state level, the royal ukhure symbolizes the legitimate rulership of the Onojie. As we have seen, the ukhure is depicted in housepost figures and doors, where it alludes to the continuity of hereditary leadership and the protective power of the royal dead.

Ukhure Form and Imager

In the form and imagery of Ukhure staffs, there is, once again, a striking difference between northern and southern Esan. In the plateau kingdoms of the north, all of the observed ukhure staffs are either plain, or have knobs or simple heads at the top (Fig. 152). The faces often have so little definition that it is not possible to speak of style, but even the more detailed examples are heterogenous and none belong to the distinctive sculptural traditions of the northern carving centers. It seems that most northern staffs were carved by the owners or their forebears rather than by experienced sculptors.

In the south, while mostly plain staffs or examples with simple heads may be found in the villages, fine figural ukhure are the norm in the palace shrines.2 As in large-scale figural sculpture from southern Esan, many of the ukhure figures carry no emblems of identity; rather, they stand with empty hands at their sides or touching their stomachs. Nevertheless, they probably represent the Qnojie, like the few figures which have clues to their identity. At least two of the topmost figures, for example, carry ukhure in their own right hands (Fig. 155), which amplifies the theme of continuity of leadership within the royal lineage. Another figure carries nothing in his hands, but has ẹbẹn.

2. The distinction between large and elaborate royal Ukbure and small and simple commoner staffs may soon be lost, however, because carvers today do not have the skill to reproduce the figurative images of old. Today, even in the palaces, new ukhure may be plain sticks. The homogenization of royal and commoner staffs might be even quicker except that instead of destroying older decorative ukhure, the Enijie now appear to be preserving them.

and ggg swords of office in relief on his back (Fig. 156) and a disembodied head upside down below his feet, references to the power of the Onojie to execute or sacrifice human beings.

A number of southern Esan ukhure features have referents in Benin art. The crested hairdo is also worn by certain Benin chiefs (Ezra 1992: Figs. 14, far left, and 47, left), for example, and is depicted in a staff at Ogwa which was carved in Benin (Fig. 158). A staff figure from Ewossa (Fig. 155) which holds an Ukbure in one hand, also carries a stone celt in the other hand; this combination is common in Benin art, but is otherwise unknown in Esan. In addition, a figure from Ogwa (Fig. 157) carries an unidentified oval object which has no parallel in other Esan art, but is depicted in a Benin ukhurẹ staff (Ezra 1992: Pl. 26). This Ogwa staff, moreover, is carved to represent segmented wood and has a hollow rattle chamber near the top, in the manner of Benin ancestral staffs. Indeed, a pair of segmented ukhure rattle staffs at Amahor (Fig. 159) are probably of Benin manufacture as the heads at the top are clearly in Benin court style (cf. Ben-Amos 1980: Fig.58).

The Amahor and Ogwa staffs are exceptional, however, in displaying alien features. Although the southern staffs with simple heads (Fig. 160) are as nondescript and lacking in style determinants as those of the north, the figural staffs have features which are found elsewhere in Esan art. Several have the cross-hatched geometric shapes (Fig. 157) which are typical of Esan surface decoration, for example, and some bear rectangular Esan tattoo marks outside each eye (Fig. 157). Even the figure holding the cult has Esan, rather than Benin, facial features, including a horizontal brow line and cowrie-shaped eyes. The heart-shaped faces and concave eye areas of other ukhure figures can also be found elsewhere in Esan sculpture.

On the other hand, the Ukhure figures appear to have developed in an atmosphere of cultural interchange, not only with Benin but with the neighboring Ika Igbo people. As we have seen, for example, the bell-shaped and semi-conical headdresses found in some southern staff figures have parallels not only with large-scale southern Esan figural sculpture (Figs. 99, 101) but also with Ika figures at Agbor (Fig. 107). The grooved surfaces found in several southern staff figures (Fig. 161), moreover, also appear in Agbor sculpture (Figs. 106, 107). The crested hairdo is also depicted in conjunction with the ẹbẹn and at Agbor (Fig... 162), where it is probably the result of contact with Benin.

The orientation towards Benin and towards the Ika Igbo kingdoms to the south is typical of southern Esan arts and culture. The southern Esan kingdoms are younger than those of the plateau,3 and their relationship with Benin has been closer than among the northern kingdoms. This is particularly true since the early nineteenth century reign of Osemwede, who had taken refuge in Ewohimi during a succession dispute with his brother before coming to the throne (Okojie [1960]: 22, 286; Egharevba 1968: 43). Ewohimi was also the center through which southern Esan kingdoms paid tribute to Benin, their route of payment being through Agbor (Okojie [1960]: 22). Other associations between Agbor and southern Ishan – including migrations, military assistance, and bilingualism – have already been discussed.
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3. As we have seen, there is a conspicuous absence of iyala earthworks in southern Ishan (Darling 1984: 13), suggesting that they were settled after the early Edo/Esans had ceased to build them.

Despite linguistic and physical similarities between Benin and Esan ukhure staffs, Benin is probably not the source of the ancestral staff tradition. Rather, the tradition appears to be ancient; its earliest expression in the Edo area might therefore have developed among the oldest settlements on the Esan plateau. Indeed, the concept of the ancestral staff may be older still, predating the migrations of proto-Edos and other groups from the savannas to the forests of southern Nigeria. Several cultures of the borderland savanna/forest region have versions of the ancestral staff which are used in ways similar to those of Benin and Esan, suggesting a deep cultural congruity rather than mere formal borrowing.

Ancestral staffs, called by the cognate terms okute or Okwute, for example, are used among the neighboring Ebira, Ijebu Yoruba, Igala and Northern Edo peoples. Among the Ebira, the okute is both an ancestral symbol and staff of office, presented to a clan chief at his installation (Ibrahim 1976: 64). Similarly, among the Igala people, ancestral okwute staffs symbolize the office of clan leaders, chiefs of the land and other titleholders, and a group of staffs bound in brass and wrapped in red cloth represents royal ancestors at the palace of the Ata or ruler (Boston 1968: 35, 107-108, 159). At Idowa in the Ijebu Yoruba area, eighteen okute with human heads at the top symbolize the royal dead, and are central to the perpetuation and prosperity of the community (Ogunba 1964: 251, 253). Talbot (1926, vol. 2.: 333} notes that okute sticks symbolize the dead also among the Northern Edo peoples, and a N.W. Thomas photograph from Ijeba (Cambridge University, Neg. No. 546} shows staffs with cowries and images at the top clustered on an ancestral altar.

Talbot (1926, vol. II: 333-335) observed the use of ancestral sticks among many southern Nigerian groups, including Ijo, Ibibio, and Igbo peoples. Among the Igbos, segments of the 9f~ tree, representing a unit or generation of a lineage, are primary mediums through which individuals address the ancestors. Ofo sticks also enhance communication with a variety of deities and spirit patrons (Ejizu 1986: passim). Decorated versions of the ọfọ ornamented with metal wire and horsehair or cast in brass, are emblems of authority and decision-making instruments for lineage heads, elders and titled men. Indeed, the concept of the ancestral stick as a vital cultural feature is probably most highly developed among the Igbo people, where the ọfọ is "one of the central symbols of Igbo traditional religion and life" (Ejizu 1986: 117).

The greatest artistic elaboration of the ancestral staff, however, occurs in Benin. Tall wooden staffs six feet or more in height are carved with human heads, hands or occasional other images at the top. One or more hollow sections near the top constitute rattles which are sounded by shaking the ukhure or tapping it on the ground. The shaft of the staff is carved to represent, in a stylized fashion, the segments of the Ukhure-ọhọ tree,4 which symbolize an individual life within the context of the family (Ben-Amos 1983a: 16). Numerous staffs, representing lineage continuity, are arrayed on the ancestral altar (Ezra 1992: Fig. 34); on royal altars some of these might be executed in brass. In Benin, the worship of the royal dead is an imperial cult (Ben-Amos 1980: 64) and the Oba's ukhure; has significance for the entire state. It represents the power of the royal ancestors which is passed to their reigning son, and it functions as a symbol of the Oba's right to sacrifice human beings (Ben-Amos 1984: 70).

The finely carved wooden and cast brass ukhure staffs of Benin appear to be an elaboration of the simple rod with a head at the top, which is the most prevalent form in Esan. The elevation of the ukhure to a state symbol in Benin also represents an elaboration of the process, observed throughout the area of ancestral staff usage, of imbuing an essentially religious instrument with political significance. The association of the ancestral staff with authority might have originated with descendants of ancestral founders of settlements, the "owners of the land;"
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4. Ohọ, a linguistic cognate of -ọfọ, is used instead of -ọfọ in some Igbo dialects, including Nsukka and Afikpo (Ejizu 1986: 33).

in Esan they still maintain ukhure today. It is likely that as the petty kingdoms of the plateau and later the empire of Benin developed, the ukhure acquired more overt political significance associated with the institutions of kingship and chieftaincy.

Formal features of the figural ukhure in southern Esan may have imitated ornate Benin examples relatively recently, perhaps from the early nineteenth century. The rich new forms were adopted by the royal houses only, leaving the plain staffs and those with simple heads to the villages. In northern Esan, simple ukhure forms have been maintained, even though northern artists have produced elaborate sculptures of other types for royal and chiefly patrons, and despite the fact that the ukhure has also developed as a state symbol there. Indeed, the plainest of ukhure staffs, short phallic rods, are depicted in symbolic palace veranda posts at Uromi (Fig. 75). Although this issue was not discussed in the field, it seems possible that the original ukbure were, at least in part, phallic images symbolizing procreative continuity from generation to generation. Even the figural ukhure in southern Ishan continue the phallic theme, as the male figures are naked or display their genitals below short wrappers.

Ọkpọ Staff of the Elders

The ukhure is related in form to longer staffs or walking sticks, known as ~' which are carried by Ishan elders. The Ọkpọ is a peeled stick roughly three feet tall, typically carved from the kola tree. Kola is believed to be the first and most senior tree; as such it is fitting that walking sticks of the most senior men should be carved from its wood (Chief Ojiemhenkele Iriogbe, Irrua, 27 September 1980). The elders' Ọkpọ is also related to the Ukhinmhin tree, sometimes called the uwa- Ọkpọ or pillar (lit. "house staff"), planted at the elders' meeting house. The~' usually carved with a rudimentary human head at the top (Fig. 163), is produced by its owner (Ibhalu Oviawele, Uromi, 1 August 1980). Whether or not he is an experienced carver, the staff is deliberately very simple; there are no indigenous elaborated versions of the Ọkpọ staff.

The Ọkpọ represents the authority of the elders in an unstratified, gerontocratic village political system.
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A figurated staff which was carved in Benin (Fig. 158) was identified as Ọkpọ by its owner, Prince Samson Igbenijie (Ebelle, 25 November 1980). Igbenijie said it was carved for his father, the late Qnojie of Ebelle, and that formerly such a staff would be used to touch a person about to be executed for a criminal offence. Igbenijie may have misidentified the staff, however, as this function is comparable to that of the Ukhurhe in Benin (Ben-Amos 1984: 70). Two brass sword-like staffs, also manufactured in Benin, were identified as Ọkpọ by the Qnojie of Ewohimi (H.H. S.U. Enosegbe II, Ewohimi, 14 August 1980), who stated that they were symbols of authority given to the Onojie at his coronation. The Ewohimi staffs belong to the category of asan eruerie, staffs of office carried by representatives of the ~ba (Ezra 1992: 192; Blackmun 1983: 70, n. 11). These two cases of royal " Ọkpọ " in southern Ishan kingdoms are alien objects which violate not only the form but the function of true ~ staffs in Ishan.

some communities, every elder is entitled to own an Ọkpọ,while elsewhere they are exclusive to the Edion-enen (four eldest men) or lineage heads (Ẹdiọn Ẹgbele) (cf. Hawkesworth 1932: 3). The Ọkpọ of the Ọdiọnwele, the oldest man, can be used as the insignia of a spokesman who deputizes for him at the village council or Onojie's palace, and can be sent as a warning to those who have not complied with decisions of the council. The Ọkpọ can also be used for oath-taking in the event of village disputes (Hawkesworth 1932: 16). Finally, the Ọkpọ can function as an instrument of injunction, to forbid the plucking of fruit, etc. (Samuel Osobalase, Uwangue of Uromi, 30 August 1980).

The authority of the elderc is based on moral and religious premises, including their nearness to the ancestors, whom they will soon join in the other world. Indeed, the word edion refers both to elders and to the ancestors. The Ọkpọ represents the gerontocratic socio-political order which predates the introduction of kings delegated to rule Ishan by Oba Ewuare and his successors. The Ọkpọ thus symbolizes the indigenous authority system which is in inherent conflict with the imposed leadership of the Enijie and chiefs. This conflict was publicly acknowledged by the Onojie of Ugbegun (H.H. Azikagbon II, Ugbegun, 19 September 1980) who, speaking of the Ọkpọ of the Odionwele or oldest man, stated that the person holding that staff "is as powerful as the Onojie" and his words cannot be challenged.

The basic ancestral ukhure and the ~ elder's staff are very similar in appearance. Both are religious objects, simple and accessible in form, which developed among the early Edos as instruments of moral agency in the absence of a "secular theory of obligation" (Ejizu 1986: xii). Both became signs of authority, but the ~ remained grounded in the egalitarian traditions of Ishan village life, while the ukhure was appropriated by chiefs and kings as a symbol of the patrilineal inheritance of titles and privileges.

Memorial Heads

Unlike ukhure staffs, which are found on all Esan ancestral altars, carved wooden heads adorn only those of the Enijie and certain hereditary chiefs and priests. In addition, while the ukhure is an essential feature of the ancestral shrine, the heads are considered to be ornamental although they also honor the deceased (H.H. S.U. Enosegbe II, Onojie of Ewohimi, 14 August 1980; cf. Ben-Amos 1980: 63 re: Benin). Moreover, ukbure staffs, however simple, are still produced today, but commemorative heads are no longer carved in Esan. Extant heads are in various states of preservation, with some very badly eaten or decayed. Among these sculptures are the heads of humans, rams and antelopes, and the images of hens, all of which were designed to hold a tusk or horn. Almost none of these images retain tusks today, as the rare and valuable ivories have vanished over the years.

Antiquity of the Commemorative Head Tradition

Placing commemorative heads on ancestral altars is an ancient practice in southern Nigeria. At Ife in Yoruba land, naturalistic terra cotta and bronze heads with individualized features have been dated to the twelfth to fourteenth centuries (Willett 1967: 149; 1971: 73). Their usage is a matter for speculation, but it seems that the ultimate resting place for many of the heads was a shrine (Willett 1967: 24). Because of their antiquity, the Ife heads are commonly presumed to have been the prototypes for later brasses in Benin, where an Ife-derived dynasty of kings was introduced in the thirteenth or fourteenth century (Egharevba 1968: 8; Ben-Amos 1980: 13). Egharevba relates that within a century of the founding of the new dynasty, an Oba sent to Ife for a master brass caster to teach Benin artists to reproduce "works of art similar to those sent him from Ife" (Egharevba 1968: 11). Chronologies taking this tradition into account, and based on formal and stylistic qualities, were proposed by William Fagg (1963) and Philip Dark (1975), both of whom declared the most naturalistic Benin brass heads to be the earliest, dating to the early fifteenth to mid-sixteenth century.

Many scholars (e.g., Lawal 1977: 197-199; Shaw 1978: 211) have criticized the formulation of a Benin chronology based primarily on morphological evidence. That the function of the heads, rather than their era of manufacture, may account for formal differences is suggested by Benin traditions identifying heads of the so-called "Early Period" as representations of defeated enemies,6 rather than royal ancestors. One such trophy head in the Nigerian National Museum at Benin (Egharevba n.d.: 26; Okojie [1960]: 222; Willett 1973: 16) was identified as the last Onojie of Uzea, defeated in a late-fifteenth to early-sixteenth century uprising against Oba Ozolua, but a second example is said to represent an Ika enemy of the late-eighteenth century; metal anaylsis bears out the late dating of the latter piece (Willett 1973: 17).

On the other hand, oral traditions suggest that the commemorative ancestral head tradition may predate the introduction of brass casting to Benin. Wooden and terra cotta ancestral heads are said to have been introduced during the previous dynasty of Ogiso kings (Egharevba 1968: 1; Ben-Amos 1980: 15) .7 Today in Benin, ancestral altars
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6. Joseph Nevadomsky (198Gb: 43) reports that, following a successful battle, brass trophy heads of defeated enemy leaders were mounted on an elaborate medicine staff and displayed at the war shrine in front of the Ọba's palace.

7. These accounts are, however, inconsistent. Ben Amos (1980: 15) reports that the oral history of the carver's guild states that wooden commemorative ancestral are adorned with brass, terra cotta or wooden heads depending on the rank of the owner. Brass heads are generally reserved for use by the Oba, terra cotta heads are permitted only to members of the brasscaster's guild, and wooden heads are used by chiefs (Ben-Amos 1980: 15). According to Benin tradition, human heads were once the prerogatives of the Obas, while chiefs might place only ram heads in their ancestral shrines. During the early nineteenth-century reign of Oba Osemwede, Benin chiefs requested and received permission to have human heads carved for their own altars. While the Oba retained the right to use brass heads, wooden heads in human form became the prerogative of chiefs in Benin City. Ram heads were relegated to chiefs of the outlying villages and went out of fashion in the capital (Ben-Amos 1980: 40; cf. Bradbury: BS 238)8. In Ishan, only wooden heads may be found, but they take the form of humans as well as rams and antelopes.

Esan Human Memorial Heads

Esan heads in human form are found only in the southern kingdoms of Amahor, Ewohimi and Ogwa. It is significant that the southern kingdoms, which have had far sculptures originated "well into the new dynasty."

8. In his field notes of 1959 (BS 238), Bradbury recorded that the Osuma named Eresonye as the Oba involved, but in a personal communication to Dark (1973: 34), Bradbury later amended this to 9ba Osemwede.

closer relations with Benin than the kingdoms of the north, should have the restricted human heads. Indeed, nine heads in the royal ancestral shrine (Alu-Eniiie) at Amahor (Fig. 164) are in the style of Benin (cf. Dark 1973: Pl. 52) and were probably carved there. Although the heads represent the first nine remembered Enijie (H.H. Akhadia Ogbeide, Arnahor, 18 November 1980), they are all in the same style, and were likely to have been carved en masse early in the 1910-1937 reign of the current Onojie's father, Ogbeide, for whom no commemorative head has yet been commissioned. The Arnahor heads are not individually named; rather, they are called ila, possibly a linguistic cognate with the Benin term glgQ,9 which Joseph Nevadomsky explains (1987: 229) is a term connoting bigness. Human heads are called uhurow-elao in Benin, referring to the head of a big man (Bradbury BS 238). The Amahor heads wear the coral bead collar, beaded cap or headband, and eagle feather which are attributes of leadership in both Benin and Ishan. At the back of each head, a narrow slot has been excavated for the placement of a stick which could support a tusk (Fig. 165).

Two heads on the royal altar in Ogwa (Fig. 166) may also have been carved in Benin. They also wear beaded regalia and eagle feathers, but the top of the head has a
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9.The similar term ilao was used in reference to the heads of rams in the Bini village of Ugboko (Bradbury BS 630).

Large hole instead of the narrow opening. Bradbury (BS 238) was told that Benin heads with large holes were called uhumw-erimhin (head of an ancestor) and predated the uhumw-elao which had small openings. If the Ogwa heads represent an older type, this may account for their severe erosion, as well as their somewhat different appearance, which is nevertheless characteristic of Benin and not Esan.

A third variation is found in Ewohimi, where two round human heads emerge from a cylindrical beaded collar and have puffy facial features which are typical of neither Benin nor Esan sculpture (Fig. 167). These heads were seen in 1959 by R.E. Bradbury (B11.2: 15-17), who recorded that one represented Onojie Ornonokhua, while the other commemorated Ezomo Ehenua of Benin. Ornonokhua probably ruled Ewohimi in the early eighteenth century, about the time Ehenua was earning fame in Benin as a brilliant war leader. In Benin, Bradbury was told (A24; U119; 1973: 254-255) that Oba Akenzua rewarded Ehenua by making his title hereditary, and naming him feudatory of Ewohimi and other southern Ishan kingdoms. In Ewohimi today, Ehenua is associated with the very origins of the kingdom, and his burial place is a sacred grove in Eguare (H.H. S.U. Enosegbe II, Qnojie of Ewohimi, 26 June 1980). However, the head associated with him in 1980 was that of an antelope (Fig. 168), while the two human heads were identified as Oriabor and Aigbe, Enijie of the late-eighteenth and mid-nineteenth century respectively. Onojie Enosegbe II was already ruling Ewohimi in 1959 during the visit by Bradbury, whose notes do not, however, indicate who provided the identification of the ancestral heads. The divergent accounts may be attributable to different sources, to varying associations of the heads with different historical characters, or perhaps to Bradbury's error. The last is possible, as Bradbury's measurements of the human heads do not agree with those I took in 1980, but are close to the dimensions of the antelope heads.

Commemorative Antelope Heads

Two heads of antelopes (uzo) are preserved in Ewohimi. While one currently commemorates Ezomo Ehenua (also abbreviated as Ezomenua) of Benin (Fig. 168), the other is not associated with any particular personage but is purely decorative (H.H. S.U. Enosegbe II, Qnojie of Ewohimi, 14 August 1980). These are the only known antelope heads in Ishan, which are also rare in Benin. An example collected in Benin in 1897 and now in the University Museum in Philadelphia (Hall 1922: Fig. 76) is identical in form and detail to the Ezomenua antelope: vertical horns and ears rise from a softly modeled face with a rounded muzzle; eyes are placed on the diagonal and eyelashes are indicated on the upper eyelid; the head rests on a long cylindrical neck which is ornamented with herringbone patterns. Dark (1973:

34-35} considers this type to be alien to Benin, and draws attention to a similar head now in the Brighton Museum, which was collected between 1905-10 in Isele-Uku in Ika territory. This triangle reinforces the linkage we have already observed in the art and culture of southern Esan kingdoms, Benin, and Ika Igbo communities, but it does not tell us where the heads of this type originated. Meanwhile, despite the unusual form, Ewohimi has claimed the Ezomenua head as its own product of antiquity (Bradbury B/11: 9-11).

The other antelope head (Fig. 169} is also said to have been locally carved in the distant past. While severely eroded, it is clearly by a different hand from the Ezomenua piece. Despite its poor condition, Fagg (Fagg and Plass 1964: 156} has labelled this head a masterpiece. The long graceful lines of the face merge with the upsweeping ears and horns, and the snout is subtly modelled. The delicacy of the modelling is reminiscent of Owo sculptures of ram heads (Fig. 170} which were placed on ancestral altars, like ram heads in Esan, outlying Bini villages, and formerly Benin.

Commemorative Ram Heads

Judging from the number of Esan ram heads (uhọnmhọn oghogho) and the diversity of forms, their manufacture must have been a lively artistic enterprise. Nearly forty heads are currently known, and many others were reported decayed (e.g., Chief Edogun, Opoji, 12 September 1980; Okosun Omoregie, Ewohimi, 4 July 1980). Bradbury (pers. comrn. cited in Dark 1973: 35) believed that ram heads were an Edo cultural development probably originating in Benin and diffusing to the surrounding area. Although no ram heads can be found on altars in Benin today, elderly chiefs claimed to have seen them before 1900 (Bradbury BS 238; Dark 1973: 34), and early European visitors to Benin also report the use of animal head sculptures variously described as goats or rams (Ben-Amos 1980: 43). The Benin tradition explaining that chiefs in outlying districts of the empire were permitted only animal heads on their ancestral altars, while chiefs of the capital city were privileged to use human heads (Bradbury BS 238), suggests that the presence of numerous ram heads in Bini villages, Esan, and Owo is by default, since human heads were forbidden to them. In fact, human heads were used at Owo and in certain Esan and Bini communities, but ram heads far outnumber them.

Ekpo Eyo suggests (pers.comrn. 1991) that instead of an Edo origin, the source of the ram head tradition may well be Owo, where ram imagery in general, and the use of ram heads (osanroasinmi) in particular, is especially well developed and varied. Owo, nearly equidistant from Ife and Benin, is a Yoruba kingdom whose culture reflects contact with both civilizations; this contact was seemingly ancient, as a fifteenth-century cache of terracottas contained objects with both Ife and Benin stylistic traits (Eyo 1972: 4). There has also been contact between Owo and Esan, although oral documention is limited to experiences of the twentieth century. Owo is credited, for example, as the source of the Igo religious cult and its paraphernalia (Salami Erionokhae, Uromi, 15 July 1980), and an unusual mask type ascribed simply to an Ekule (Yoruba) carver of the early twentieth century (H.H. Akhadia Ogbeide, Onojie of Amahor, 18 November. 1980) was probably of Owo manufacture (Fig. 239).

Although the ram heads are even more widespread, varied, and innovative in Esan than in Owo, it is not my intention to offer yet another claim for their origin. Rather, it may be more useful to consider the ram heads as a tradition which, bridging the Yoruba and Edo cultures, may be found in an area triangle including Owo, Benin and Esan, where each culture has applied its own aesthetic principles to their manufacture.

Ram heads from villages near Benin (e.g., Celenko 1983: Pl. 117) (Fig. 171) typically have a thick base with a slot at the back; a broad neck which terminates at the bulging breast bone; a short, broad muzzle; thick angular ears which protrude to the front and sides above the eyes; and horns which originate at or near the center of the forehead and
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10. Commemorative ram heads are also known, although more rarely, in the Asaba and Urhobo areas (Dark 1973: 35), both probably as a result of contact with Benin.

curve back, down, and around towards the front before turning abruptly inward to rejoin the neck at the sides. 311 The inlaid eyes, surrounded by incised lines representing lashes, are typically semi-circular although some oval variants resemble human eyes set in an otherwise animal face. The base may be ornamented with parallel grooves or incised interlace, herringbone or other patterns. The horns are typically grooved in a naturalistic manner, while the surface of the head and neck are smooth, with occasional incised geometric designs.

In Owo, older ram heads (Willett and Picton 1967: 68) are similar to those of Benin, although they differ in details (Fig. 170). For example, the Owo ram muzzles are longer and more elegant, the horns form continuous tapering curves which remain attached to the head and neck or separate completely at the ends, and the bases are relatively shallow and platter-like. More recent Owo heads, among which Willett and Picton (1967: Pls. 3a-5) have distinguished the work of several hands, developed human faces and necks while retaining the ram horns. As in Benin, the Owo heads were designed to support a tusk or horn; while the rams have a groove at the back of the head, the horned humans have a separate slotted cylinder behind the head.

In Esan, ram heads are somewhat more numerous in northern kingdoms than in the south, and heads of the two areas differ significantly in form. Southern heads from the kingdoms of Ebelle and Ewohimi are essentially in the style of provincial Benin. In Ebelle, Bradbury (B26/10-11) photographed two ram heads and collected one of them or a very similar example (Fig. 172) for the Nigerian National Museum in Benin (Accession No. 59B:1:78). These heads are distinguished from those of Benin only in the amount and type of surface decoration which, in addition to interlace and alternating hatch patterns which may be found in both Benin and Esan, includes numerous crosshatched triangles, semi-circles and other geometric shapes which are characteristic of much Ishan sculpture. In Ewohimi, a ram head at the palace is too eroded to include in this analysis, but three heads remain from a large group belonging to the descendant of a titled Osun priest and diviner (Fig. 173). The horns originate above each eye rather than from above the center forehead, but they resemble Benin heads in the way they separate from and then rejoin the body. Many other features of the Ewohimi heads correspond to Benin ram sculptures.

Six heads from the southern kingdom of Ewossa form a distinctive group (Fig. 174). They differ from one another in details, but all share deep bases with interlace patterns; a bulging neck/breast; ears which are thick, triangular and pendulous; horns which curve back and downward and join the neck near the back; and surface designs consisting of ladder patterns and cross-hatched shapes. All of the heads have oval, slightly protruding eyes which resemble the eye shapes of human figures; several also have slightly raised, stylized, triangular human noses on the surface of the animal snout. Two of the heads have eyebrows consisting of semi-circular incised ladders, while two others have brass strips attached to the brow area. Although they differ from other southern Ishan ram heads which resemble those of Benin, the set of Ewossa ram heads displays some similarities to northern heads, particularly in the presence of human features.

The ram heads of northern Ishan are variable and appear to have been carved by different hands, some of whose work is represented by only one or two known examples. Three heads photographed in Ekpoma (Bradbury B26/3; Dark 1973: Figs. 120-121) but now lost, for example, have human features, including incised oval eyes, raised triangular noses, and ethnic marks on the foreheads (Fig 175). The location of the ears is human-like, but their size and conventionalized shape resemble ram heads from elsewhere in Esan and Benin. The long, thin horns originate on the forehead over each eye and curve back, down and around before joining the body as in Benin heads. The bases are shallow and deeply grooved on the outer edges. Two smaller heads from the same site have similar bases and horns, but are more animal-like in appearance, although one has a human nose.

Human features may also be found in four heads whose similarity suggest they were carved by a single hand or workshop; two of them are from Ekpoma {Bradbury B29/1, 3} and the other two from the nearby kingdom of Opoji (Fig. 176}. They have protruding human eyes and noses superimposed on flat faces with animal snouts. Conical ears extend laterally behind the eyes, and the horns emerge from the forehead above each eye and extend directly back along the top of the head. Several other northern Esan heads reflect minor variations on the human/animal types described above.

Among the remaining northern ram heads, some have exclusively animal features. A pair of eroded ram heads photographed in Igueben {Bradbury B11.2/34, 38} and a head reportedly collected in Uromi {de la Burde 1972: 34} illustrate two unusual approaches to the abstraction of the ram image in Esan. The large faces of the Igueben heads {Figs. 177} are characterized by the interaction of several strongly defined planes. A massive brow is cut away sharply to create two flat eye areas on either side, and is bifurcated at the lower edge, where an angular nose ridge descends to the mouth area. The mouth itself stands out prominently from the planes of the cheeks. The ears are truncated cones which protrude forward, while the faceted horns emerge from the center forehead and curve down to either side of the head. The integration of these planes into a harmonious whole is effected with surprising subtlety.

A very different approach is taken in the Uromi ram head (Fig. 178), which consists of a flat, triangular face with highly simplified facial features including incised circles representing eyes, a pencil-thin nose ridge in low relief, and a slight change in plane at the lower corner suggesting a lip. The horns project backward and downward from the upper corners of the face. Signs of humanity are evident in the Esan marks at the corner of each eye, and perhaps in the forehead incisions. The head rests upon a base which is deeply cut with a variety of hatched prismatic forms, creating a contrastingly active platform for the serene head. Rather than a slot or groove which is found at the back of most Esan ram heads, this piece possesses a post upon which a tusk or horn might rest.

Two other distinctive types of ram heads from the area of Uromi and Ubiaja also have spikes or posts at the back of the head. Both have superstructures, one type depicting human figures and the other supporting birds. Two heads in the royal village of Ewoyi in Uromi (Fig. 179) have nearly triangular faces from the top corners of which long,
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11. Several features of the Igueben ram heads, such as the semi-circular eye planes, are reminiscent of Benin heads. The Igueben heads may have been produced by Benin carvers or perhaps by Ishan artists who followed a Benin model.

straight horns descend at a sharp angle downward and toward the back of the head. A human figure rises above the head and grips the ram horns with his hands. The figures wear neck ornaments and caps, and their faces are prognathic, which is unusual in Esan art.

In the Uromi village of Amendokhian, a ram head with a bird superstructure (Fig. 180) is the single example found in situ of a type better known in museum and private collections. The National Museum of African Art (Accession No. 75-3-505) and the Metropolitan Museum of Art (Accession No. 1987.445.2) each have an example, and the art dealers Charles Jones (pers. comm., 1989) and Harry Franklin (Schaefer 1983: Fig. 58) have each handled at least one such head. Roger de la Burde owned at least four heads of this type, three of which he published (1972: 34; Figs. 8, 10, 11), stating that they had been collected in Ubiaja. While this provenience is unreliable, it is entirely lacking for the other collected pieces. Interestingly, the single piece of this type that I encountered in Esan was not in use as a shrine object, but was offered for sale. This unusual type of ram head may, therefore, be have been devised (or revived from an older form) for its appeal to European/American patrons.

Small differences in the treatment of horns, ears, bases and other features might be used to determine the hands of several carvers, but the purpose at hand is to identify the diagnostic elements of the type in general. These features include a bulging body which is heavily ornamented with incised ladders, concentric triangles or semi-circles, and crosshatched shapes; large rimmed eyes consisting of concave ovals or circles enclosing a narrow pupil; a nose ridge extending vertically from the forehead to the end of the wide, lipped snout; thick horns which project upward from the center forehead and form a vee-shape before extending toward the back of the head; human shoulders and arms which end in hands touching the breast; a cylinder rising above the head of the ram, upon which a stylized bird perches. The body of the bird is typically hemispherical, while its tail is a semi-circular disk set at right angles to the body and its long, pointed beak extends downward, nearly touching the head of the ram. Two heads in the de la Burde collection do not have birds; in one case the cylinder and bird probably eroded away, while the second is complete without a bird (de la Burde 1972: Figs. 8, 10). Although heads of this type are animal-like, several examples bear human facial markings surrounding the eyes or at their outer corners.

As we have seen, there is considerable variation in Esan ram heads. The southern examples which are most like provincial Benin ram heads may have been made by Benin carvers; Chief Ine of the Igbesanrnwan claimed that guild members once carved both human and ram heads on commission (Dark 1973: 34), and we have already seen human heads from Benin in southern kingdoms. The Ewossa heads in the south, and the great variety of northern Esan ram heads (with the possible exception of those in Igueben), however, are Esan products. Formally, they have little in common with ram heads from either Benin or Owo. On the other hand, the more or less human attributes which are sometimes applied to the Ishan ram heads link them with the ram/human head tradition which appears in a well-developed form in Owo, but is unknown in Benin. Perhaps kingdoms on the periphery of the Benin Empire sought to subvert the injunction against placing human heads on their ancestral altars by humanizing the animal heads which were permitted to them. This may explain why ram heads in Opoji, for example, were identified as human heads with long hair plaits (Chief Edogun, Opoji, 12 September 1980); ram heads in Igueben were similarly said to represent human beings (Bradbury B11.3/34-35, 38).

While the human head (uh~nmh~n) is revered as the center of intelligence, will, and judgement (cf. Bradbury 1973: 263 re: Benin), the qualities of rams (oghogho or ohuan) are also important. Power is concentrated in the head of the ram; whose horns are its weapons. The heads of actual rams are ingredients in Esan medicines designed to divert misfortune, because the ram faces its attacker head on (Chief Ojiemhenkele Iriogbe, Irrua, 20 September 1980). In Owo, by way of comparison, the beauty and tameness of the ram, together with its propensity toward stubbornness when provoked, symbolize the qualities of chiefs, who are "agreeable and approachable if treated correctly, yet immovable and uncontrollable when the need arises" (Poynor 1989: 142) .12 In Esan, as well as Owo and Benin, moreover, the ram is a choice sacrificial animal for men of means and status, and has come to symbolize communication between the ancestors and their devoted descendants. The carved heads of rams are thus an appropriate image in the context of ancestral shrines.

Images of Hens

In Benin, images of fowl are placed on ancestral altars where, like the heads of rams, they refer to the costly sacrifices made by the living on behalf of their forebears {Ben-Amos 1976: 246). Although brass figures of cocks adorn the altars of the Queen Mothers, wooden hens are placed on the altars of maternal ancestors of chiefs (Fagg 1968: Fig. 150, caption). Joseph Nevadomsky explains {1987: 228) that because the hen can readily be observed protecting her chicks, it has become a symbol specifically of maternal guardianship.

Figures of hens (Ọkhọ) were found in only one location
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12. The bravery and stubbornness of rams is also discussed in an article by Babatunde Lawal regarding ram symbolism among the Yoruba peoples in general {Lawal 1975).

in Esan, in the royal ancestral shrine at Ugbegun. Two of these are severely damaged and lacking their heads, while a third is intact {Fig. 181}. Ironically, the only Ishan altar images which retained their tusks were the two headless hens, both of which stood on the altar with the tips of the tusks resting on the wall. Vertical spikes similar to those on the Uromi and Ubiaja ram heads emerge from the backs of the hens and support the tusks.

As the sample of Esan hen figures is limited to the three Ugbegun examples, no formal trends can be identified. Comparisons can be made only with Benin hens such as those in the Nigerian National Museums at Lagos {Dark 1973: Fig. 123} and Benin (Nevadomsky 1987: Figs. 6, 7}, or in the Katherine White Reswick Collection (Fagg 1968: Figs. 150, 151}. Circular bases, round bodies, and incised patterns representing feathers are similar in the Esan and Benin examples, but the necks and tails of the Esan hens are more highly stylized and angular. There is insufficient data to judge whether the minor differences in the Ugbegun hens represent Esan authorship or simply the idiosyncratic hand of a Benin carver.

Despite the fact that the Ugbegun hens are located in the royal ancestral shrine, called Alu-Ijiesan, they are
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13. Regarding the peg on wooden fowls, Dark (1973: 36) knows of only two examples which support tusks. He believes that because ivory was reserved for the Oba, the pegs were more likely to support a horn or wooden replica of a tusk.

associated with neither maternal nor paternal ancestors. The Onojie (H.H. Azikagbon II, Ugbegun, 16 September 1980) identified them not as commemorative images, but as ikega, figures associated with the spirit of personal achievement. It is not clear whether the original meaning of the hens has been forgotten, or whether they were acquired for a purpose which would be considered unusual by Benin standards.

Conclusion

The ukhure staffs which are essential to the veneration of ancestors belong to a religious tradition which is shared by a number of peoples in the Niger-Benue confluence area and in the southern forests of Nigeria. The elemental form of the ukhure may have originated in antiquity, together with the association of this form not only with the ancestors but with leadership. In Ishan, as well as among other peoples, the ukhure became a symbol of continuity in royal and chiefly lineages and it is illustrated as such in elite sculptures. In very few Esan kingdoms, however, have ukbure staffs been elaborated, in contrast to Benin, where royal Ukhure are finely carved, incorporate a variety of images and may even be executed in brass.

Commemorative heads, in contrast to Ukhure staffs, are not essential to ancestral veneration. Rather, heads are exclusive decorative objects for shrines to the elite dead. Memorial heads in human form developed together with the institution of divine kingship among the ancient Yoruba people of Ife, and probably diffused from there to Benin together with the Yoruba system of government. The use of commemorative heads may have entered Esan in the same manner, as prerogatives of the Onojie in the leadership system imposed upon Esan by Benin. The variety of ram and ram/human heads, however, which are widespread in Esan as well as Owo, indicate that originality and inventiveness are not exclusive to Benin.