Political Changes in Esanland, Southern Nigeria during British Rule,
1900-1960 and the Impact on Inter-Intragroup Relations.
By Dawood Omolumen Egbefo Ph.D
Department of History and International
Studies, IBB University, Lapai, Niger State, Nigeria. E-mail: dawoodamirah@yahoo.com
Abstract
The paper examines the
issues about continuity and change in Nigeria using the British interference in
the political activities in Esanland. The baseline for the discussion with the
con quest and imposition of colonial rule in Esanland of present Edo state
Nigeria, colonial political were put in place by the British colonial master to
facilitate the exploitation of human and material resources beneficial to the
industrial development of Britain. Their imperial policies found expression in
the political development of Esan community. The paper takes
it therefrom where much condemnation is been poured in the imperial colonial
policies on aspect of continuity and change, that the legacies of colonialism
cannot be forgotten in a hurry because the impact on the indigenous practices
of the people long after colonialism ended is still evident and has become so
dynamic and more of an unending dimension.
Introduction
Esanland, before 1900: Origin, People and Land
Esanland (pronounced aysan) is one of the major ethnic groups in
Edo state, south-south geopolitical zone of Nigeria. It is believed by many
historians that the name “Esan” meaning they have fled or they jumped away).1 Ishan
still evident in most colonial records is an anglicised form of Esan, the
result of the British inability to properly pronounce the word. For academic
purpose, Esan refers to the ethnic group that occupies central Edo state, a
person or the people collectively from the Esan ethnic group. The language of
these people which linguistically is of the Kwa2 subdivision of
the Niger Congo language family is related to something of Esan origin e.g. Uro
Esan, Esan language, Uto Esan, Esanland, Ogie Esan, Esan king, Akugbe Esan,
Esan unity etc. The group belongs to the one of the largest ethnic groups that
belongs to the Edo speaking people in Nigeria and in the diaspora. In her
present connections with Benin, Esanland is regarded to belong to the minority
areas of the Nigerian state.3
Esanland with long historical connections with Benin kingdom, most
especially the dynastic rulers, Enigie, is situated on the north-east of Benin
City, the Edo state capital. Esanland is within the rain-forest zone and the
year is characterized by two distinct seasons. These are the rainy-season and
the dry- season. The rainy season lasts from the later part of March to early
November of each year. The rainfall that is evenly distributed throughout these
months is heaviest in the month of July and September. The vegetation of the
area had been greatly affected by the activities of man. But luxuriant trees
with under-growths still maintain the characteristics of the rain-fall in Udo,
Illushi, igueben, Amamhor, Ujogba, Egoro and Uzea areas. Such trees such as
Iroko, Obeche, Mahogany and a lot of other species are still found in the above
areas. Because of the shifting system of cultivation which is prevalent all
Over Esan, the savannah type of the vegetation is gradually claiming greater
section of the forest Zone. The Ministry of Agriculture and Nature Resources
combating this since the 1940s especially in the located forest reserved areas
at Udo, Uzea, Amanhor, Egores Ewo and Illushi.
The origin and the population of the area is still tied in
contestation and obscurity. However, thirty kingdoms and other chiefdoms (large
expanding villages/townships ruled traditionally by exemplary monarchs) make up
Esan and many of them seem to have their own oral version of the origin of Esan
as well as their own starting point in history. However, it is generally
believed that their origin assert to indignity, waves of migrations from Benin
kingdom, Nupeland, Yorubaland, other places and resettlement of other groups
from the north, and Kogi near in Esanland.
Populated areas before 1900 included Uromi-Uzea, Ekpoma, Irrua,
Ewohimi, Ubiaja, Igueben, Ewu, Ugbegun, Ebelle, Illushi, Ohordua, Emu, Ewatto,
Opoji, Ewossa, Ogwa, Ugboha, Egoro, Amanhor, Urohi, Ujogba, Okhuessan,
Ukhun-idoa, Oria, Ugun, Orowa, Udo and Onogholo. Each of the towns autonomous
in status is made up of many villages with an Onojie as king over them. The
most populated town in the area is Uromi. The idea of a fixed number of people
in the area was never taken seriously by the Esan except for economic and
social reasons. The idea of one man, one wife was alien to them. The wealth of
the man was assessed based on the number of wives and number of children.
Polygamy was never a practice all over Esan because it was the Enijie and
Ekhamon, chiefs who had the highest number of wives and children. Therefore,
the population of Esanland never suffered declination but continuous growth and
increases before and beyond 1900.12
The occupation of the people was/is predominantly agriculture
supported with other secondary indigenous art and craft. The greater part of
the farm work was done during the rainy-season, while the clearing of the new
farm-land was carried out in the dry-season. The nature of agriculture was
mixed-cropping, accompanied with shifting cultivation. The implements for agriculture,
although crude, include cutlass, axe, hoe, sickle, and knives. The clearing of
the bush was under human labour with the cutlass and the big trees were felled
with the axe, but those trees too big for cuttings were felled by firing.
Planting was done in heaps by the use of the hoe which was also used for
weeding the farm throughout the season.13
Apart from farming, other economic activities engaged in by the
people include animal husbandry, fishing, hunting, weaving, iron-smith work,
carving/carpentary, cloth weaving, brewing of gin and wine, mining of mineral
resources, palm oil production and the production of preventive and curative
herbs/medicine by various herbalist and native doctors.
Land: Otor the principal means of production was strictly communal
and held in trust by the Onojie for his people. It could neither be sold nor
bought. If there was a dispute over a piece of land in the village, the edion,
elders looked in to it and effected settlement. If it was a land dispute
involving two or more villages, the Onojie, king decided the matter because,
Otor as the principle means of production was of crucial and central importance
to any kind of survival. According to Dr. Omokhordiou, A.O., “land was
communally owned and no single individual then had the right to appropriate
land except what the society permitted the family that make up each of the Esan
society”.15 Which means land was surplus and adequate for every
body and again it was not idle as claimed by some scholars, but put to use
based on the demand of the market or consumption.
Trading was another pre-1900 activity of Esan people. The
consolidation of the various productive activities in Esan by this period no
doubt led to the development of an organized and sustained exchange and
distributive system through the established market, Eki, or Arki attended by
the various classes of home and long distance traders from over the Igara,
Igbo,Yoruba,
Nupe, Benin, Urhobo, Isoko, Ijaw and even Hausaland.16
The means of exchange in these trading activities were dynamic,
starting with trade by barter.
Later commodities such as cowries, salt, iron, bars, gold dust, multi-coloured
cloth Ukponododo etc. were one time used as means of exchange in pre-1900
Esanland.
The pre-colonial political set-up in Esanland was very much like that of Benin
kingdom where a cross section of the people and the dynastic rulers originated
from. The central administration of the pre-colonial era in Esanland revolved
round the Enijie where “the legislative, executive and the judicial functions
were vested on” the Enijie, king Royal succession was by primogenitor. The king
was regarded as sacred and inviolable. He had many chiefs around him who played
almost the same role as those of the Oba of Benin kingdom. Among the important
chief was the Oliha, Oniha who was the special priest to the royal family and
who performed the kings’ sacrificial offerings to his departed ancestors. He
was the chief mourner of the royal family and the announcer of the demise of
the king. Others were the Uwangue, Ezomon, lyasele, Esogban, Esodole, Oshodi,
and some others nominated by the king. They all played important aspects in the
administration of the royal court.17
Below the royal court at Eguare, capital in each of the towns was the
Egwele, Iguele village organization. The village was organized in the age-grade
system whereby the Odionwele was next in position to the Enijie, as he was
responsible for the day-to-day activities in the village on behalf of the king.
He had a council of four men, Odionene, who were often the eldest men in the
village. The position was also sacred and inviolable. They took part in all the
major meetings of the village and they were responsible for making
pronouncements on all vital issues affecting the village. Through them the
village paid their tributes to the king, presented their petition, makes
application and submitted appeals to the kings. The council of elders which was
the highest administrative and executive organ in the age grade system was
responsible for the formulation of laws and the trail of civil case in the
villages. It also served as the court of first instance in murder cases rape,
insult of foreigners, use of evil magic among others.18
The next lower in rank in the age-grade political set-up was the Igene group
made up of “men between the ages of 35-45”. This body acted as the work force,
the army and active ablebodied of each of the towns and they were responsible
for the construction and digging of wells, building of community shrines,
markets, houses destroyed by natural mishaps, digging of graves and burying the
dead. They were also responsible for the waging of wars against neighbouring
towns and villages and as policemen used for arresting social deviants and
escorting those banished from the community.19
The lowest in the age-grade political organization was the Egbonughele youth
for errands, and minor tasks made up of males between 12-34 years. They did
minor works in the community which did not require much energy, and this
included the cleaning of the streets on Edezele, days of rest, weeding and
clearing public amenities and infrastructures and custodian of the acrobatic
dances group and other cultural activities taught by the elders. The age-grade
system of political organization in each of the kingdoms in Esanland helped to
set in motion, order, stability and continuity with one political organs
serving as a link to the other. The political organization could be compared to
a pyramidial shape, with the royal court at the peak of the pyramid, the Igene
group at the middle and the Egbonughele at the base of the pyramid. A striking
feature of the pre-colonial political set-up all over Esan was that women were
somehow not given any place in the scheme of public administration before.20
Apart from the unique language, there were some other cultural
modes which distinguished the Esan people from other peoples of Nigeria. These
were in the aspect of dressing habit. The men worn loin-cloth, Igbulu-Ododo,
made of assorted colours with another smaller one, Obenuku, tied around the
waist. To give a finishing touch to elegance the men hung an Ijakpa on the left
shoulder. The Ijakpa was made of leather tassels with knitted and decorated
handle. Because the wearing of Igbulu-ododo left a part of the body exposed the
Ijakpa was used for killing flies and other insects that perch on the exposed
body. A cap, Arhu, made of same material won on the head to match with the
face, added colour to the man’s personality and acted as a shade over the head
from the rays of the sunshine.
Socio-culturally, there were cultural ceremonies ranging from new yam festival
naming, birthday ceremonies, title taking ceremonies and burial ceremonies. The
festivals were head once a year or once in life time. They were marked with
imported rituals and also in ‘meal’ communion with the ancestors. The festival
also served as occasion for the renewal of the oath (Okoven) of solidarity and
loyalty. There were other ceremonies like Ogbe and Iruen. These ceremonies
improve the relations of the departed and harmonious existence of the living.21
There also exist in their religion, the belief in Osenobua, God, Ehi (Angels)
Elimi, spirits and Eneyulu,
ancestors. They believed in the existence of these bodies but in the case of
Osenobua, they had no cult or statue for him. The people of Esan were so
conscious of the existence of God that the name Osenobua featured prominently
in their daily lives.22
British Dimension in the Political Changes in Esanland
By 1899, the impact of the British presence was very much felt in
Esanland following the Benin expedition of 1897, the deportation of Oba
Ovoranmwen to Calabar and the takeover of the central administration by the
British. According to some informants in Uromi and Benin city, “some of the
Benin chiefs who had taken refuge in some part of Esanland wanted to fight
their way back to Benin”.25 They therefore sought the help of
some of the Enigie in Esanland, particularly the Onojie of Uromi. The British
expeditionary soldiers stationed at Benin were not un-aware of the plan, and
under the instruction of Raph Moore some British soldiers were dispatched from
Bemn to Esan areas to punish the rebellious chiefs and also to set-up an
administrative base somewhere in Esan land to take control of the area. Before
then, according to some informants, the rumour that some British soldiers were
moving towards Esanland soon began to gain momentum. The different Enijie began
to make individual preparation on town bases. It was current among the Enijie
and the chiefs that they would not accept the British soldiers because they
were regarded as invaders and usurpers. The people were therefore prepared to
resist them and if possible to turn them away or kill them. This was however a
joke as the soldiers were better armed and better disciplined; indeed, the
British arrived in Esan in 1900. They arrived at Uromi from where they spread
their operation to other parts of Esanland, my informants educated me.
Ogbidi, the Onojie of Uromi wanted to show the lead by resisting the British
soldiers when they arrived in 1900. He was over-powered, arrested and deported
to Calabar. Immediately the resistance was brought under control. In resisting
the British soldiers, he was isolated by the other Enijie in other Esan areas
who failed to have a united front against the invading soldiers. Another Onijie
who resisted the presence of the British soldiers was Ojiefoh of Ewu. He was
attacked, defeated and deported to Ubiaja to be under the watchful eyes of the
British soldiers. Between 1900 and 1902, the British soldiers had over-run the
whole of Esanland as there was no other king that could resist the soldiers of
‘fortune’. As the news of the defeat and deportation of the Enijie of Uromi and
Ewu spread to other parts of Esanland, the other Enijie were prepared to accept
the British as their over-lords. Within the next four years works of
pacification was carried out and by 1906 the British had established their
station at Ubiaja which was to become the Administration Headquarters for the
whole of Esan country.
The Emergence of British Administration
By 1906 the British assumed all the functions of the government,
legislative executive and the judicial powers. Owing to shortage of man-power,
lack of sufficient funds, the unhealthy climate for the British Officials and
because of the First World War which was to come up shortly, the British was
forced to make use of the existing Enijie and their chiefs in what was called
the indirect rule, and where such conditions were not favorable they created
new ones under the direct control of District Officer (D.O) resident at
Ubiaaji. The coming of the British as discussed in this paper into Esanland
marked a change in the existing form of administration and such changes to be
reflected in the socio-political and other human endeavours all over Esan.
In order to avoid open rebellion from the inhabitants, most especially the
Enijie and their chiefs, the British adopted a gradual system of takeover of
power from the Enijie who formally controlled all the state mailers. These
Enijie apart from resistance who were not banished or deported were stripped of
all the control over villages except in those belonging to them as individuals.26 They
were no longer to retain such power and authority as was formerly the case in
particular towns in Esanland.
The British within the first twenty years of arrival in Esan area welded the
whole area together for administrative purposes and created one Council of
Chiefs for Esanland. It should be noted that this type of council, had never
existed in Esan area, except the royal council the council of the elders down
to the council of Egbounghele (errand youths) which were created in each of the
towns that made up Esanland. The single council of chief for Esan people did
not have its representations from all the kings that made up all towns in Esan
land. There were only eight Enijie that were selected to represent the interest
of the people in the new British imposed council which welded the legislative,
executive and judicial powers subjected to the overall powers of the D.O.
According to C.G. Okojie:
As things stood in 1920 the all-powerful Esan
(Ishan) council consisted of eight Enijie: Imandojiemu of Opoji, Eromosele of
lrrua, Ulagbale of Uromi, acting for his exiled father, Orhibhabor of Ohordua,
Ojiealekhe of Emu, Ifebhor of Ewohimi and Agbebaku of Ora.27
Ora at this time were regarded as parts of Esan area until the
1950s when it joined her kith and kins, the present Owan local government of
Edo state. Although these kings were members of the Esan native council, they
were appointed by the D.O who could terminate their appointment if they are
found wanting in the discharge of their duties. This council was under the
control of the British administrative officer. These occupants of the new
political position under the colonial regime were styled paramount chiefs.28
This council performed so many functions. It served as a legislative
instrument, executive and a judicial body, responsible for administering Esan
districts. Among other things, this council was also responsible for the
disciple of the other Enijie and chiefs. The most ‘stubborn ones’ among them
were sent to disturbed areas in company of the British soldiers to put things
in order.
The appointed paramount chiefs were placed in change of larger areas than
formally was the case. They were to administer justice in such areas, collected
taxes and supervised other public works. Chief Esogban Esene confirmed that in
several areas some chiefs believed to be cool headed’ by the British
administration were made paramount chiefs to the detriment and popular
discontent of their people. According to sources when Ojiefoh of Ewu town was
deported, a puppet Onojie was appointed, who the British could control to their
own advantage. The resident D.O and his successors and other political officers
administered the area through the created Native Council who becomes
antocrative due to the enormous powers given them by the British
officials. 29
Sir Raph Moore who was the High Commissioner for Benin area including Esanland
regarded the Oba of Benin and the Enijie in Esan as politically supreme and
dominating which was not true. The Oba and the Esan Enijie though were highly
respected, they only reign but does not rule alone. They were given unlimited
powers to the detriment of the people.
According to Professor I.A. Okoduwa, “they were the kings of the countries, but
service to them was based on several checks and balances. It was a give and
take approach”.30 And before the end of the l940s, the Enijie
in Esan area under the colonial administration become mere rubber stamps as
they could no longer initiate any major policy as they were doing previously in
the Royal Council.31 The royal court and council become more
shadow of itself as its functions were restricted to religious rituals and
other lawful traditional ceremonies, which did not interfere with the polities
of the period. The kings become powerless as they could no longer retain the
eunuchs as body guards in their palaces and also they were no longer allowed to
handle civil and criminal cases independently. They were also restricted under
the British administration the power to inflict capital punishment on anybody.
They were only to see to the maintenance of law and order in their towns on
behalf of the majesty, the British crown. This was contrary to the traditions
of Esan people, for example, it was the Onijie in each of the towns who was the
head of government but under the Native Council the D.O was regarded as the
chief executive “overall” of the towns and the people of Esanland.
After the amalgamation of 1914 Sir Frederick Lugard introduced the indirect
rule to all parts of the country. Esan area was not left out under the new
dispensation and in the 1930s Esan area was under the administration of Mr.
E.C. Palmer and Mr. W.B. Rumann who were the District Officers. The period also
witnessed the introduction of the Native Authority, the Native Court and the
Native Treasury in Esanland.
Under the new system the people were to be allowed to participate meaningfully
in the new system. The post for the Enijie, their chiefs, the district heads
and village heads were created for easy administration and communication in the
land. For the first time direct poii tax of two shillings was introduce for men
and women. The women resisted in 1927. According to Mr. Usunobu Andrew, “There
were wild demonstration against women taxation all over Esan, in which the
women took to the streets in different groups from the towns and villages over
all parts of Esanland”.32 They marched to the D. O’s residence
at Ubiaja to demand exemption from the oppressive taxation that the women were
made to bear. Mr. V.C.M. Kelsy who was the D.O. feared that the situation could
lead to open riot if the men were to join the women’s demonstration. He was
sure that the British who had recently emerged from the First World War would
not sponsor another war against an uprising from taxation in Esanland. He
eventually exempted them from the payment of the poll tax. All the taxes
collected were paid into the native treasury in Ubiaja and the Native Authority
clerks kept the official records of such accounts.33 Receipts
were also issued for all the money paid into the treasury. The Native Treasury
also made vouchers for all salaries and wages paid out to the native authority
staff and any other work carried out by the native authority. The paramount
chiefs also ensured the safe keeping of taxes and other fees, like court fines
until such money was transferred into the local treasury”. The annual salary of
forty shillings for these chiefs depended on their ability to collect taxes
from the people in their area.34
The Judicial System
The Native Authority was the law making organ and it was its duty
to make laws which prevailed all over Esanland laws were no longer localized
according to the wishes of the people in each town. In pursuance of the N.A
system measures were taken to ensure that the people were fully consulted about
the laws which were made the British district. Officials encouraged the Enijie
and their chiefs to participate in the law making process since such laws were
to affect their welfare.
An aspect of this policy which was of peculiar importance in this respect was
the doctrine that the jurisdiction of the native authority must be on the
consent of the people whom such authority would be exercised.35
While the N.A made all the regulation which had the force of law all over
Esanland, the native court were responsible for the proper keeping of such laws
hearing of and the trail of civil and criminal cases. The absolute powers which
the royal council had over civil and criminal offence were usurped by the N.C.
for it had wide overall powers over all cases. This extended to the trail of
capital offences and the imposition of death penalty but no death sentence
imposed by the N.C. was to be carried out unless first confirmed by the high
commissioner”. With the new instrument of law making execution and
adjudication, a new source of power emerged all over Esanland which in the
existing order.
Continuity and Change in Esanland
If Esan was an aspect of the political heritage of the people
after the British had left the scene by 1960, there were more significant areas
within the colonial period where more changes had been introduced but in some
cases traces of originality were left behind. This was more prominent in the
political development of the people during the period under survey.
Although by conquering the Enijie and their Ekhaemon, chiefs the British were
able to impose their own type of political arrangement on the people but with
the political domination essentially on the chiefly class, paramount chiefs who
were appointed over specified areas,40 thus leaving behind a
greater section of the community. Indeed, most people in the rural village
never felt the presence of the British administration in their areas except
when they are called upon to pay their annual poll tax. In such villages the
form of administration which operated was quite different from those in the
urban areas. Their form of administration was still based on the age-grade Otu
system where the Odionwele was still at the head of affairs. Beginning from the
council of elders to that of Egbonujhele still operated and even today the pre-
colonial form of administration still goes on side by side with the British
imposed system of administration, Agbon Ebo which is today in most Esan towns.
Although the Enijie and their chiefs has lost their political powers during the
colonial era, they did not only constitute the paramount chiefs, they also
declined in the traditional respect attached to them”41 Enijie
still remained unchallenged and undwindled. They all ‘maintained the royal
institutions despite the changes introduced by the British in to the politics
of Esan. According to Chief Agbie Samuel, “the British were always conscious of
their importance in the society and they were involved in the administrative
reforms and assisted in the wanton and massive exploitation of man and
materials for their selfenlightened interest. Though he still lives in the
traditional palace, surrounded on occasions by the traditional title holders
performing ceremonies and rituals for the city, his political role has greatly
changed. This change is in respect of his relationship with the chiefs, people,
political elites and in the roles they expect him to play”.
The Enijie only had mere shadow of their powers during and immediately after
the period under review, they were only made a divine king to the head of a
native administration in order to fit into the system of government based on
the principles of what has been called indirect rule”.43 Although
they continued in office until the 1960s their powers were further reduced by
the new educated elites who formed the local councils because the councilors
(who then) “looked upon the traditional rulers as instrument of a reactionary
colonial regime”.44 The new breeds of councilors were more
radical on their attitudes towards the Enijie and their chiefs not given
recognition. All the Enijie and their chiefs were not allowed into the local
councils that were introduced in 1952. Out of the lot only one-third of the
total elected number of councillors were allowed in the new administrative
setups. “Though traditional chiefs were included in these councils, they were
not to exceed one-third of the elected membeis”.45 The change
in the position of the Enijie and their chiefs continued throughout the period
under review. Beginning with the coming of the British as we mentioned before
now, in 1900 those of them who resisted the Europeans were deported or
dethroned. For instance, Ogbidi of Uromi and Ojiefoh of Ewu were deported.
Those that were not deported were stripped of their powers and some of them who
remained in office till 1952 even lost their titles.
In the judicial aspect, the Enijie and their chiefs constituted the highest
court of justice at the pre-colonial times but when the British came into Esan
in 1900 there was a change in their powers. Formally the Enijie could hear
appeals from the lower councils of the elders and any other council below that.
However, when the Native Courts were formally established in 1920, the Enijie
and their Chiefs had only functional roles to play. These functional roles were
subjected to the authority of the District Officer (D.O) Other provisions
conferred minor executive powers on the district chiefs and established Native
Courts, presided over by the district chiefs but supervised by the British
officers to settle specified classes of cases.46 In the
precolonial days, the Enijie had absolute powers over civil and criminal cases.
They could pronounce judgment on all cases without reference to any other
authority but at the arrival of the British administration in Esan, the kings
had limitations placed on their powers. For example, they could no longer
pronounce judgment on death penalties.
No death sentence imposed by a native court was
to be carried out unless first confirmed by the High Commissioner.47
This change continued throughout the period under review and even
thereafter. When after 1954, these Native Courts became “Customary Courts”.48 The
Enijie and their chiefs further lost their position in the customary courts
because these courts were then presided over by the educated class in Esan
society. “Some of these courts were presided over by qualified persons49 vexed
in legal studies”. It would therefore be seen that there was continuity in the
change of the position of the Enijie and their chiefs all over Esanland as far
as the judicial system was concerned in the period under review. Their loss of
judicial power was gradual until 1954 when the climax was reached and they had
to give up to the educated class who all along played less dominant role in the
judicial powers of the chiefly class. Indeed, it led to a smooth handover of
the judicial system in Esanland from the old elites to the new elites. As one
class of people gave away to the other, so also the Native Courts gave way to
the Customary Courts at the early periods of the l950s. Although there was a
wave of change in personnel responsible for the judicial management in
Esanland, there was continuity in the judiciary itself. 50
There were only changes in the staff of the judiciary and a change in the name
of the judiciary in 1954 which made the Native Courts, Customary Courts but in
actual fact the judiciary continued to grow from strength to strength during
and after the colonial period in Esanland. However, it should be noted that
although the Native courts or customary courts featured in both civil and
criminal matters, not all the cases within the period were taken to the courts.
Most cases were still tried in the family circle during and after the colonial
period in Esan. The family in each of the homes helped to settle some of the
cases that could have resulted in court actions. Although the courts were
there, the family units became great forces which were able to stand the test
of time. In other words, the family circle acted as independent courts whose
judgments were binding and final. This was one aspect of the judicial system in
Esan which the British could not play down and in fact it continued throughout
the period without suffering any change. According to Chief Imagborsoria Akota
“Ours was the highest court of law in the land as no one in the family could
take any member of the family to the whiteman’s court without coming back home
to pay a greater fine than the white man’s own”5° because whatever the judgment
the elders of the family pronounced, received the backings of the ancestors and
the spiritual world. The changes and continuity in the society were not limited
to the political system. It also affected the Cultural, Economic and Intergroup
relations of the people. To this we would turn to another article.
Conclusion
With the coming of the British in 1900 new form of politics and
other human actives were introduced as evidenced by the creation of the
paramount chiefs and the limitation of their powers which was placed under the
suspension of the District Officer from the 1920 onwards. The Native Authority
and Native Courts and the native treasury were introduced in 1921. Esan area
for first time in her history witnessed the payment of poll tax by both adult
males and females.
Endnotes
1. Okojie, C. Esan Native Laws and
Customs with Ethnographic Studies of the Esan People Lagos, Illupeju Press Ltd;
1994 p.25
2. Okoduwa, A.I. “Esan Under British
Administration 1900-1960” B.A. Long Essay Submitted to the Department of
History, University of Calabar 1983. p6
3. Okoduwa, A.I. “Esan Under British
Administration 1900-1960” ... p.10
4. Okoduwa, A.I. “Esan Under British
Administration 1900-1960” ... p12
5. Okoduwa, A.I. “Esan Under British
Administration 1900-1960” ... p14
6. Darling, P.J. Archaeological
and History of Southern Nigeria: The Ancient and Linear Earthworks of Benin and
Ishan, Britain Bar; 1984, p.51
7. Darling, P.J. Archaeological and
History of Southern Nigeria: p.52
8. Darling, P.J. Archaeological and
History of Southern Nigeria: p53
9. National Population Commission, Benin
City Office. 2006 Population Census Figures Benin City Edo State.
10. Pa Steven Eromonsele, 78 years old,
(Oral Evidence) An Educationist and Proprietor of Akota Commercial College,
Lagos.
11. This is an opinion of the researcher
12. Omoregie, S. “Esan in the
Precolonial Era up to 1900” M.A. Thesis submitted to the Dept. of History
University of Benin. 1985.
Several Pages.
13. Ehimogie, S.O. Agricultural
Production in Precolonial Esan. Benin City Odua Publication 1969. p.49
14. Ehimogie, S.O. Agricultural
Production in Precolonial Esan... p.50
15. Darling, P.J. Archaeological and
History of… pp56-57
16. Darling, P.J. Archaeological and
History of... p56
17. Ofighor, O.D. Chiefs in Esanland:
Functions and Limitations before 1900. USA: Pearl Publications, 1998 p43
18. Ofighor, O.D. Chiefs in Esanland:
Functions and Limitations before 1900... p.44
19. Ofighor, O.D. Chiefs in Esanland:
Functions and Limitations before 1900... p.46
20. Edeki, R. “Esan Pre-colonial
Political Administration 1852-1900”. M.A. Thesis University of Jos, Dept. of
History 2001 p25-27.
21. Ugiagbe, O.I., Beliefs and Religious
of the Benin Peoples. Benin City. Pillars Publishers, 2000. p26
22. Ugiagbe, O.I., Beliefs and Religious
of the Benin Peoples... p.27
23. Ugiagbe, O.I., Beliefs and Religious
of the Benin Peoples... p35
24. Ofighor, O.D., Chiefs in Esanland:
Functions and Limitations before 1900... p48
25. Asemota, O.A. “The British Invasion
of Benin and Esanland: The Economic and Socio-Cultural Impact” B.A. Thesis,
Dept of History, University of Lagos 2000.
26. Michael Crowther and Obaro Ikime
(ed) West African Chiefs: Their Changing Status Under Colonial Rule and
Independence. London Caxton Press W/A Ltd: 1970 p.277
27. Okojie, C.G: Ishan Native Laws and
Customs. Yaba John Okwesa and co. p.23
28. Michael Crowther and Obaro Ikime
(ed) West African Chiefs... p.227
29. Michael Crowther and Obaro Ikime
(ed) West African Chiefs... p.228
30. Michael Crowther and Obaro Ikime
(ed) West African Chiefs... p.229
31. Michael Crowther and Obaro Ikirne
(ed) West African Chiefs... p230
32. Oral Interview Mr. Usunobu Andrew
91+ Effandio Uromi 17/1/2008 A Retired School principal. Now a Herbalist and
Bone Setter in Benin.
33. Okojie, C.G. Ishan Native Laws ...
p336
34. Okojie, C.G. Ishan Native Laws ...
p337
35. Okonjo, I.M. British Administration
in Nigeria 1900-1 950. A Nigerian View New York Nokia Publishers Ltd. p.47.
36. Okonjo, I.M. British Administration
in Nigeria 1900-1950... p47.
37. N. A1 Ishan Division Mr. J.A.G.
McCall, D.O. Personal Papers
38. Agboutean, O.S. “Colonial
Administration in Esanland 1900-1960” B.A. Long Essay, Dept of History and
International Relations, University of Benin 1995 p.28.
39. Agboutean, O.S. “Colonial
Administration in Esanland 1900-1960” ... p25
40. Igbafe, P.A. “Indirect Rule in
Benin” Tarikh Vol.3 No.3. Longman Humanities Press United States p.30
41. Crowiher, M. and Ikime, O. (ed) West
African Chiefs: Their Changing Status Under... p.285
42. Crowther, M. and Ikime, O. (ed) West
African Chiefs... p286
43. Crowther, M. and Ikime, O. (ed) West
African Chiefs... p287
44. Crowther, M. and Ikime, O. (ed) West
African Chiefs... p288
45. Crowther, M. and Ikime, O. (ed) West
African Chiefs... p.283
46. Ajayi, J.F.A. History of West
Africa. Aydes Bury, Hazeu Watson and Viney Ltd. 1977 p.461
47. Okonjo, I.M. British Administration
in Nigeria 1900-1950... p.47
48. Okonjo, I.M. British Administration
in Nigeria 1900-1950... p.47
49. lkiine, O. (ed) The Groundwork of
Nigerian History. Nigeria, Heinemann Educational Books Ltd. P407
Oral
Interview with Chief Imagbosoria Akota 63yrs Retired Customary Court Officer
(1954-1973) Ubiaja 2009
