THE ROLE OF BENIN
By B.E. Oseghale
There is evidence to suggest that by the end of the
15th century an intricate system of socio-political economic and cultural links
had been established between Esan and Benin. Through these linkages, there
emerged continued cross fertilization of ideas which tended towards intensive
and extensive cultural relationships between both peoples. The degree of
cultural exchange and the manifest impact on both societies perhaps prompted
Bradbury to remark that “of the Edo group of peoples. The Esan are perhaps the
most influenced by Benin . . .” Largely Otite believes that this strong bilateral
cultural relationship was a common feature of the entire peoples of the former
Bendel State because theoretically, all the peoples were of common stock.
The composition of the Edo stock have been
subject of controversy in certain quarters. Okpewho attributed the cause of
these disagreements to the fact that scholars have continually imposed Edo
identity on the people as an acknowledgement of the high degree on similar
social institutions between the Esan and Bini. Okpewho's view is that the name
Edo should not be enthusiastically applied to other Bendel peoples such as the
Esan, Eka or Ika, Urhobo, Itsekiri, Etsako etc, because these peoples have
perfectly respectable names by which they were known from the distant past. Evidences
abound to suggest strong cultural ties between Esan and Benin peoples during
the period.
An examination of both Esan and Bini languages with
the view to identifying areas of cultural influences is crucial because it
constituted the major vehicle through which ideas were transmitted. The degree
of similarity in terms of language, perhaps, led many people to suggest: The
notion of a common ancestral and cultural heritage. Emessiri for instance, categorised
Bendel languages into three levels. Category I represents common visible
objects, among the first a person picks up when learning a new language. In
this category, Esan and Bini were almost identical. Category II contain words
of invisible objects or technical words. There were words which a learner of a new
language could not readily acquire. In
this category the Esan language demonstrated considerable divergence from
Bini. Category III represented items
introduced into the region by Europeans, particularly the Portuguese after
1485. In this category both Esan and Bini had identical names on the whole the differences
in both language in category II-was put at about forty-two percent while the percentage
of Bini derived words was put at about eighty percent. From such work, it can be
said, that Esan language manifest in a close linguistics similarity to the Bini
language. However, the difference on the technical words of both languages
points to the survival of an aboriginal Esan languages, despite the essentially
oral status of both languages, and the several hundred years of interactions between
them.
Again Esan and Benin political institutions and
government during the period attest to strong cultural ties between the two
groups. Both peoples have traditions conferring the idea of monarchy and other
chieftaincy, institutions on Bini being a consequence of the latter’s
imperialistic thrust into the Esan country" Also, similarities in court and ritual
ceremonies, names and symbols associated with political rulership support the
notion of pre-colonial bilateral movement of ideas between both peoples.
Although there was the possibility that a centralize
system of Government evolved in Esanland, Benin largely affected its constitution
particularly through the Oba's appointment of the first Esan Enijie.
Similarly the symbols of both Esan and Benin
rulers and the significance of the ada. And in the political history of both
peoples are important. It is necessary to recall Esan belief that the Symbol of
office is alien to Esan since the traditions attribute the idea to Benin.
Igueben iron Smiths came to perfect the production of the ada and eben to the
extent that they supplied the Oba with the subjects in subsequent years. The
leader of the Iron smith in Esan, as in Benin, was called the Okaigun and
performed similar social and political functions in both societies.
Related to
the above were very similar chieftaincy titles and institutional structures. To
begin with, the hereditary titles in Esan were patterned on
the line of the Uzama NIMIRON of Benin, but local customs and in many cases sheer
autocracy and corruption, brought some differences so that some titles
that are not hereditary in Benin are so in Esan.
In other words, chieftaincy titles such as were
in Benin, include the Oliha, Iyase, Ezomo, Edohen, Oloton, Uwangue, Eroy,
Isekhure etc, were to be found also in Esan. In Esan, many of these titles were
not hereditary and the order of rank was s0metime altered to reflect the realities
of the Esan situation. In any case, the Oniha in Esan, quite like the Oliha in
Benin; was more or less next to the monarch. He performed ritual and ceremonial
function during interments and during the installation of the On0jie or the Oba
of Benin. The Iyasele in Esan, like his counterpart in Benin, spoke for and
defend the interest of the commoner’s in society.
Furthermore the basic unit of government in both
places was the village, with the Edion council. In both Esan and Benin the
counsel was headed by the eldest man called Odionwere or Odionwele
respectively. The dualism in
organisation of social-political life of Esan and Benin communities was
similar. In Benin, there was government at the village level, and at the
central government. In Esan, this duality was more apparent from the imposition
of a derived rulership system on the indigenous village structure. A final
point of bilateral cultural relationship worthy of note was the agnatic or
patrilineal bias in the monarchical system.
Incontrovertible as it may seem both Esanland
Benin tittle organisation and the monarchy maintained a relationship that was
essentially conciliar. However, some salient difference in the political
culture of both peoples existed. Firstly, quite unlike the elaborate
monarchical institution in Benin, the institution of the Onojie in Esan was
less grandiose in terms of its historical circumstances. Consequently, the
central institution of the latter may be explained in the central institutions
in the respective Esan chiefdoms were less imposing less divine compared to
that of Benin. Though there was the tendency for the Esan Onojie to be
autocratic by virtue of the support they enjoyed from Benin, their largely
secular attributes were unmistakeable probably because:
Most of those
appointed to the position as a result of 1463 ‘diplomatic’ conquest of the Esan
by Benin were neither the spiritual, oldest men, nor were they necessarily
members of the founding families to whom belong the ancestral shrines.
Secondly, the Enojie in charge of villages and
communities directly under the Benin Kingdom, as noted earlier, had very
limited powers compared to the Esan Enijie. The latter had power over life and
death, while the former had to refer serious cases to the Oba for settlement.
Again the Esan Enijie failed to adopt (or were prevented from doing so) certain
aspect of the Oba regalia. For example, the Enijie in Esan did not wear crowns,
and did not decorate themselves with expensive coral heads and schi other
exotic materials associated with Oba’s regalia. This could be due to limited
supplies they had. Finally, Esan rulers were usually addressed as Zaiki. Whereas there were a number of ways and
manner the Oba was addressed Zaiki was not one of them. It has been suggested
therefore that the term lost précised meaning in Esan language as it was
northern influence. In others words, the Nupe, Igala and other middle belt
groups probably conferred that legacy on Esan.
All male population in the component villages
and communities were divided into three age sets. In Esan, the age sets were
the Edion comprised of elders of over forty five years old, the Igene of
Ighama. Comprised males of between thirty forty-five, and Egbonughele which
consisted of boys and younger of between ages twelve and thirty. The Edion took
all decisions in council under the leadership of the
respective Edionwele, the Iegene
constituted the work force and the
military class while the Egbonughele performed menial task such as cleaning
communal roads and running errands. In
Benin, the management was essentially the same. The Edion, the Ighele or Igbama
and the Iroghae comprised of males of about the same age and performed the same
functions as their Esan counterparts. This structure was further enhanced by a
system of titled organisations into which male citizens were qualified to move
on attainment of various levels of success either in military assignment or in
the ability to accumulate wealth or the capacity to take good decisions.
Amongst the Esan and Benin, this organisation was commonly referred to as the
Otu.
In the case of customs or
Jaws governing marriages and divorce similar affinity
existed. In both places, the act of betrothing young girls to young boys by
parents was a common practice. A newly born baby could be betrothed to a young male child for
a number of reasons, the commonest
being the desire
to strengthen existing family ties. It was customary in both places to pay bride price. Usually
dowries were paid to the parents of the girl. Bride
prices were kept low so that every adult male could at least afford a wife.
Such payments during our period took the forms of yams, goats, cows; and even
slaves depending on the affluence of the people involved. There are records to show that some
Oba and Benin chiefs married from Esan, and vice visa. However, Arheboa or arewa which was the
practice in Esan whereby and unmarried daughter of a man who died without a
son, was encourage to remain at home to
bear children for her late father, was an uncommon practice in Benin. This
cultural practice was particularly common in Irrua, Ewohimi and Uzea in
Esanland.
The
mortuary rites in Esan and Benin were not precluded from influences. The degree
of semblance of the death and mortuary rites in both places was observed by the
ethnographer Bradbury when he said that the Esan mortuary rites “appear to be
similar to those of Benin.” In both places, mortuary rites differed according
to the locality and the status or rank of the deceased. Generally, the senior
son play the leading role in the ceremonies. Children and childless adults were
buried. Unceremoniously by the age grade to which the deceased belonged. Head
of households and sometimes other senior adults were buried inside their house
or under the eaves. The greater number were usually buried in the bush. The rites
took about seven days for ordinary people and about fourteen days for the respective
Oba, Onojie and some very eminent chiefs. As stated earlier the mortuary rites
of a deceased Onojie in Esanland, may not be processed unless proper permission
is obtain from the Oba of Benin. As a mark of assent, the Oba sent a piece of
white cloth to the senior son of the deceased ruler with which the latter was
expected to wrap up the dead.
Further evidence of Esan–Benin relations may be
found in their laws of inheritance. In
both places, the eldest son completed all the funeral ceremonies of his late
father. In case the eldest fails to perform the burial rites his younger brother
could do it for their late father after which the property belonged to him.
Heirs were expected to inherit both the deceased property and liabilities.
Hence, it was the duty of the heir to provide for his younger ones and maintain
his father’s wives. He could take over any of the wives that are childless.
In situation where the deceased had no son, the
father’s brother inherited the property, though he was expected to give shares
of the property to the adult daughters of the deceased. During our period, it
was not uncommon for the head of family to divides a certain amount of his
estate between his children before he died. Except for the house in which the
father lived which automatically belonged to the senior son, other moveable
property could be shared by the Uro system. Every wife and her children got
something from the estate. It could however be noted that in some parts of
Esan, the laws differed to some degrees. In Uromi for instance, the Onojie and
the Onojie’s mother inherited the property of a man who died without sons and a
woman who also died without sons.
The religious practices in both Esan and Benin
were essentially based on ancestral worship. During our period, there is no
evidence to show that Christianity had been introduced into Esan. Ancestral
worship or hero veneration, the belief in magic and witchcraft characterised
religious worship in both polities. Esan and Benin has similar pantheons of
gods and goddesses. The goddesses of the sea and wealth was called Olokun and
Olokun in Esan and Benin respectively. The goddess was also associated with
human fertility. It appears that Esan people who lived on a plateau with no
major river borrowed the idea of Olokun worship from Benin. Olokun, in Benin
mythology, was the senior son of Osanobua the Most High God. Olokun was
believed to reside in the river which rises near the town of Urhonigbe in the south
east corner of the Benin Kingdom. At Urhonigbe the head quarter of the cult by
both Esan and Benin peoples, there was a large temple in which were housed life
sized clay figures the goddess, represented as the Oba with his retinue.
In both places, 0gun was the god of Iron and the
patron deity of smiths and hunters. A few other deities to be found amongst
both peoples were Osun and Ojiuu besides other communal shrines. Some
traditions spoke of the appointment of some Esan priests from Benin. For
example, the Okaigun leader of the Igueben iron smiths and other ritual priests
were either appointed from Benin or had their appointments ratified by the Oba
through the appropriate guild in Benin. Badbury also attested to the fact that most
priestesses of Olokun including those in Esan visited Urhonigbe on pilgrimage
during which they were given certain objects to put in their respect shrines.
Major or national
festivals like the one in Benin had the Esan equivalent of the
festival usually ushered in a new traditional year. As was the case in Benin where the Oba was the first to celebrate the New
Year respectively.
Esan Enijie celebrated
theirs first. The people sent yams, meat, palm oil arid palm wine to the
palace to enable the monarch perform this annual obligation. There were
indications that attempts were usually made to synchronize
the time of the festival in Esan and Benin.
Music, musical instruments and songs which were necessary accompaniments of precolonial wars marriage ceremonies, burial and religious rites, and festivals were not excluded from bilateral cultural influences. Akhibi, the valium Onojie of Opoji brought back to Esan from Benin a musical trumpet. Okojie described Akhibi as a man who possessed strong power of observation since he, Akhibi took notice of all he saw in that land of beautiful singers and dancers. Thus all the drums for the various war dance in Opoji today are copied. There were, probably many like Akhibi in both Esan and Benin; Traders warriors, and traditional doctors that frequented Benin from Esan, and vice versa, played prominent roles in the important export of music, instruments and the technique of handling them.
Several centuries of cultural relations greatly
influenced the personal and place names in both Esan and Benin. Particularly
during the period Esan names such as Edobo (the Binis have been
helpful), Edoijawerie (you cannot change Edo (Bini) way of life), Edozele
(We are grateful to the Binis) and Esangbedo (Ishans and Binis are brothers
but later, some Esan people bore names like Esanguedo (Ishan can never be too
sure of the Binis) and Esanbhafomen (I can’t speak Ishan let alone a foreigner
language often Bini). The Benin people also gave names like Esangbedo, but the
meaning for such names were slightly different and pejorative. It was probably
and acknowledge of Esan independence and pointed the way towards Esan culture,
equality and friendship with Benin.
At this junction, the point should be made that
on contrary to common belief that Esanland was continually on the receiving end
of cultural influences, there are some evidences to suggest that the trend
during our period was essentially bilateral. A good example was that of Ehenua,
an Esan emigrant who came to influence Benin culture. Ehenua lived as a youth
in Esan and later moved to the Isi district of Benin with some followers. As a
grown up man, he came to Benin City, entered the service of the Oba and as a
reward for his services in establishing the Oba in his position was made Ezomo.
The Ezomo title should be noted was no ordinary one. It belonged to the
original five chieftaincy titles in the Uzema council which probably pre-dated
the Benin monarchy. The title was not known to have been conferred on mediocre
especially as it was second only to the Oliha in the Uzama council. Ehenua was
probably not the first nor the last Esan person to wild such political
influence in Benin.
There are also traditional which speaks of Esan
military chiefs and native doctors playing key roles in the determination of
Benin’s political culture in pre-colonial times. Okpota, for example was a
native doctor whose skill could not be confined to Esan. He was invited to
Benin by Osa Ozolua. Okpota, through an oracle and divination, came to
influence the Oba’s decisions and government. His importance in Benin affairs
led to the building of a special quarter for him close to the Oba’s palace,
where he was easily reached for consultation by the Oba. One the same spot
where Okpota once lived several hundred years ago, the Benin Town Hall now
stands the Hall was name Urho-Okpota in honour of the migrant doctor from Esan.
The theoretical disposition which maintain that
Benin exercised a far greater influence over her neighbours, particularly Esan
is based on the common assumption by historians and anthropologists that: wherever an institution, symbol, ceremony,
ritual or an idea attained the peak of its development, there is its beginning
from where it subsequently diffused to or was imposed upon or was borrowed by
other centres where it survives on a less pronounced scale.
To accept this however, is to accept that
Christianity for example, originated from Rome where it was strongest, rather
than in its ancestral abode of Jerusalem.
According to Afigbo, this disposition is a product of the researcher's desire
not to upset established views. He therefore stressed the need for historians
to "learn to put aside such criteria as territorial size, military, and ceremonial
grandeur as they have little or nothing to do with it.”
Nevertheless, Benin's cultural influence over
Esan, can hardly be substituted with another argument. Evidences suggest the
Bini’s to have been more adventurous than the Esan at the early period. Even
though this trend appear to have been reversed during and after 1800 more
migrant traders and refugees evidently left Benin for Esan during the three
hundred years from 1500 to 1800. Esan traditions and the political institutions
attest to the above claim especially for Ekekhen and Igueben. Another
explanation for the greater Benin cultural influence in Esan may be found in
the extensive Benin contact with the cultures of the Yoruba and Igbo. The Benin
culture was also enriched due to influences from the Itsekiri, Urhobo,
Isoko,
Igala, Esan and later, European cultures.
There was the political dimension to Benin’s
cultural impact in Esan. Through Benin chiefs, Benin cultural values were transmitted
to or administered in Esan. In fact, there were instances where Esan princes
were deliberately trained in the Benin Laws and customs as a preparation for
their tenure as rulers in Esan. For example, Ozolua took Uda, the son of Oghale
the Onojie of Ekpoma, and gave him "to a Benin chief to educate in the
customs and institutions of Benin" such deliberate acculturation of Esan
princes and individuals was believed to have been Benin standard imperial
policy.
Source:
Department of History. Edo State University Ekpoma, Nigeria.
Department of History. Edo State University Ekpoma, Nigeria.
